La Gran Alianza - 2012 (Spanish Edition)

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These two conflicting interpretations about one shared object or statement are a common pattern throughout the novel. However, it is important to add that the narrator will experiment a progressive psychological development, which will eventually allow him, by the end, to understand the metaphor his brother lives by in the rural space.


Mi hermano no. Mi hermano trabajaba entonces y trabaja ahora Such dissociation between the two brothers relies actually on the metaphor of the rural space as motionless sphere. He inhabits the metaphor of the rural life as a human body that follows the biological process of nature: life gets stuck, gets old, and gets rotten. Therefore, another opposition articulates the cultural imaginary of the rural: real life only takes places in the countryside in antagonism to urban space as a territory of empty illusions.

The dialectics of fullness in resistance to the emptiness convey a general assumption in the characters of the novel that life in the countryside is more authentic, more real. Le duelo yo. The narrator expresses that he is the source of her mother's pain. This metaphor of the urban space as a territory of pain, sorrow, and unreliability is reinforced in the previous paragraph.

They seem to live in an extemporal reliable metaphor. La red sirve para ampliar fronteras pero en el caso de mi hermano son fronteras infinitesimales, puertas al espacio interior del sur del Maestrazgo. The final words of the previous quote reveal one of the specificities of the contemporary rural sphere. The doors opened to the interior of the region, the metaphor of the non-physical house, connect the local with the local and not the local with the global.

El caballo es anterior a las palomas. Nunca supe distinguir a los zorzales pero me sigue gustando el olor de los establos. The metaphor of rural space as an extemporal territory, the return to childhood, and the representational construction of the idea of Truth based on the materialism of tangible aspects of life articulates a cultural imaginary in which the financial crisis and its aftermath end up being a mere illusion before such apparently immutable human and natural context.

View all notes. My analysis has underlined the lack of scholarly knowledge for assessing the cultural responses and narratives related to the crisis and its aftermath. Very few novels, with the exception of the object of study in this article Caballos de Labor , have dealt with the ideological complexities of rural spaces. Moreover, we lack the tools to study rural spaces as neither subaltern nor as minority but as spaces with their own logic.

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Cognitive semantics can offer a fruitful point of departure but only in the intersection with other disciplines such as economics, political science, geography, and anthropology. At one level we are often content to fall back on key characteristics which historically have been associated with rurality and rural life and which translate into objects of desire in contemporary society. Therefore, our knowledge of the rural is very limited, and it is biased by the stereotyping characteristics of the idyll However, Williams coined the term in when the digital revolution was far from being a reality.

Consequently, the scholarly assessment of the cultural narratives produced in and about the rural sphere needs to take into consideration new factors and actors such as the neoliberal implementation of social and political policies and the emergence of the Precariat. In conclusion, the novelty of this unprecedented paradigm obliges academic approaches to rethink their own limitations but, above all, to re-examine unsolved structural territorial social and cultural conflicts: understanding the rural space remains an unfinished business.

I would like to especially thank Dr. Esther Peeren for her inspiring ideas that I follow in this article. I want to express my gratitude to Dr. Konstantin Mierau and Dr. Alberto Godioli for their suggestions and comments to my article. Also, I would like to acknowledge the feedback provided by the members of the European Literature and Culture Research Seminars at the University of Groningen.

Jorge Briz Abularach

Skip to Main Content. Search in: This Journal Anywhere. Advanced search. Submit an article Journal homepage. Pages Published online: 31 Aug Original Articles. Literature, crisis, and Spanish rural space in the context of the financial recession. Specificities aside, however, the whole of our corpus is characterized by a fundamental contrast, whereby the lived, sensory experience of specific places is opposed to the loss of a direct link between space and individual human beings in contemporary societies—be it due to abstract and unrealistic urban plans, or to the homogenizing and despatializing trends inherent to neoliberal globalization.

Conclusions: Limitations and challenges My analysis has underlined the lack of scholarly knowledge for assessing the cultural responses and narratives related to the crisis and its aftermath. Acknowledgments I would like to especially thank Dr. Article Metrics Views. Article metrics information Disclaimer for citing articles. More Share Options. People also read Article. Jorge L. Romance Quarterly Volume 64, - Issue 3.

Published online: 5 Jun Published online: 17 Nov Bendixsen History and Anthropology Volume 27, - Issue 5.

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Published online: 23 Aug Elizabeth G. Bailey et al. Language and Education Volume 31, - Issue 4. Published online: 14 Mar Published online: 1 Apr Brent F. Although baby Manuel was born in Galicia, he spent his early childhood in Cuba and was later raised by two aunts back in Vilalba. He graduated in law and politics simultaneously, and at age 25 he ranked number one in public competitions for attorney of the Cortes the legislative body and diplomatic school.

By age 26, he'd earned a university chair.

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  5. Fraga was a rising meteorite, and the path of his ambition necessarily had to pass through the dictatorship. He climbed rungs on ministerial ladders until, at age 40, he was finally appointed minister of information and tourism. It was under his watch, incidentally, that the popular advertising slogan "Spain is different" was coined. The Franco regime was now caught up in a wave of development, and Fraga, while undoubtedly espousing the regime's principles, did display a certain penchant for modernity.

    His tourism campaigns attracted droves of Swedish women who were celebrated in movies of the era , as well as the first hippies. He eliminated prior restraint but not the option of confiscating published material and toned down the sanctimoniousness that prevailed in the press. Fraga understood very early on the importance of public gestures in the media society, as demonstrated by his oft-cited dip in the waters off Palomares to prove the lack of radiation after a US plane accidentally released four hydrogen bombs in the area in Yet to many Spaniards, Fraga symbolized the desire for reform.

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    In what would become a recurring theme in his life, he was led astray by ambition, and the technocrats of Opus Dei who ran the country managed to oust him from power in He became a critic of sorts within the Franco regime, an image he took care to cultivate after , when he was appointed ambassador to London. Franco's health was in decline, and the promise of change was in the air. While in the British capital, Fraga embarked on a frantic networking campaign, contacting people in Spain and all over the world in order to pave the way for his own bid to direct the transitional period.

    Under the first administration of Arias Navarro, right after Franco's death, he was minister of governance, the equivalent of today's interior minister. Fraga's project was undoubtedly liberalizing, but rather than liquidate the regime, his plan was to reform it without altering its foundations. For one thing, he never had the slightest intention of incorporating the communists into political life.

    His authoritarian style and a series of highly controversial moves by his ministry- including the assassination of blue-collar workers in Vitoria and left-wing Carlists in Montejurra Navarre - eventually turned him into an ogre for the democratic opposition. Fraga went to see the monarch about it, but resisted pressure to accept a portfolio in the new executive. That was when he founded Alianza Popular AP , meant as a democratic conservative party although it was headed by the so-called "magnificent seven," essentially a collection of Franco-era old-timers.

    Fraga grudgingly accepted the Constitution, performed no heroic actions during the failed coup of February 23, , and was left alone to stem the Socialist tide after the breakup of the ruling UCD party. It was finally back home in Galicia that Fraga managed to run his own little state. Surrounded by a personality cult that reached delirious levels his sympathizers referred to him as the Great Helmsman he traveled the world, even visiting Castro's Cuba, Gaddafi's Libya and the Iran of the ayatollahs.

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    He kept his adversaries at bay with strict control over regional politics and information. His chameleonic nature "politics makes for strange bedfellows," he used to say enabled him to morph into a hardcore Galician nationalist whose demands for self-rule occasionally proved too much for even his own party to stomach.

    It never occurred to him to retire. It was only after the social unrest that followed the Prestige oil tanker spill off the Galician coast in , and his clearly declining health, that voters stopped putting their faith in Fraga. By then, his career had absorbed him to such an extent that he was forced to rebuild his personal relations, even those with his own family.

    It was his daughters who convinced him to move to Madrid, where he slowly faded away, his voice increasingly feeble, hanging on until the last minute to a walking stick, a seat in parliament and the honorary presidency of a party he founded back when he was sure that he was destined to lead the country. The Galician bagpipers will be gathered to send him off, as they greeted him countless times as regional premier. Manuel Fraga Iribarne has departed from our midst, but not before seeing a new victory for the conservative party he founded.

    The Fragas were not gentry: poor but rightwing Galicians who went to Cuba for some years, made money there, and returned to Galicia in , where Fraga's father became mayor of the village of Vilalba, near Lugo. Manuel Fraga, who got up early and worked hard, and possessed a photographic memory and a monstrous ability for passing civil service exams, exemplified the meritocratic facet cultivated by Franco's regime, or at least touted in its propaganda.